Israel Imperial News and ISRAC
in Shimon Tzabar’s own words
At the beginning of December 1967 I left
my wife and my son in Tel Aviv and embarked on a Turkish
liner at Haifa and sailed to Marseilles. I had no
intention of leaving Israel for good. I just wanted to do
something, to carry on the fight against the occupation
abroad and then to return home. I still did not know how I
would fight the occupation. It was only during the sea
journey that I got the idea of publishing a satirical
magazine in London. Satire is a good weapon, one which I
was familiar with. It could match all the weapons that the
Israeli army keeps in its arsenal, including their nuclear
bombs.
I disembarked in Marseilles and took the
train to Paris on my way to London. In Paris with Eli
Loebel, an old friend and a political ally, I discussed
the idea of a satirical publication. I had decided on the
title Israel Imperial News. Loebel was positive about the
idea but worried about my well being. To criticise Israeli
policy in Israel was acceptable, but to criticise Israeli
policy abroad was unheard of at that time. Loebel advised
me to take care not to reveal my address, not to walk
alone in the street and so on. In short, to publish the
magazine but live underground. I did not think it was a
good idea. I did not think that I could compete with the
Mossad in underground activities. My best defence it
seemed to me, was to go public as much as possible. And so
I did. When I published the Israel Imperial News, my name
and address were printed on it and when I had to change my
address, I registered it with the Israeli Embassy.
I left Paris and continued to London.
Here I met a few friends who shared my moral and political
concern and were willing to help with the publication I
had in mind. Among them were Akiva Orr, who studied
computer science at London University, Dina Hecht who had
a part time job as a proof reader of the Hebrew
publications in the Israeli Embassy and Theodor Shanin,
who later on became a professor of sociology in Manchester
University.
I started to design the magazine. The idea behind Israel
Imperial News was simple. If the Israeli government wanted
to become an Empire they needed a mouthpiece. Who was more
qualified than me to be such a mouthpiece? In the late
sixties, Empires were no longer in vogue but they could be
revived and even sponsored by other dead and vanished
empires such as the French Empire of Napoleon and his
nephew Napoleon III, the Russian Empire of Tzar Nicolas
II, the Austrian Francis Joseph I, or that of Alphonso the
XII of Spain. I found the crests of all these ancient
regimes and put them on different pages of Israel Imperial
News to show the reader our noble lineages' support. The
cover of the first issue was a picture of the sculpture of
Moses by Michaelangelo, with a speech bubble that asked -
Has the Mirage 51 got vertical take-off?, to emphasize
that even the prophet Moses was not impartial to matters
of military hardware
As I sat down to write the editorial,
Christopher Walker knocked on the door. He came just at
the right time because I was looking for a native English
speaker to help with my English. Christopher was
interested in Middle Eastern politics. As it happened,
Christopher had come to visit me with something else in
mind. He showed me a letter that was published that
morning in The Times by the Rev. W. W. Simpson, in
response to a letter Christopher had published a few days
earlier. In his letter, Simpson denied that Israeli
soldiers had committed atrocities during the war.
Christopher came to ask me for details of such atrocities,
like the massacre of refugees returning to their villages
through the river Jordan. When I read Simpson's letter, I
told Christopher that it was not his duty to answer such
an accusation, it was mine. I drafted a letter to The
Times and sent it off. The letter was published two days
later.
With the help of a few English friends,
Israel Imperial News was launched in March 1968. The
articles were mainly translations from the Hebrew press,
including copies of advertisements in favour of the
occupation of Arab land and the only advertisement against
it - the one that we had published ourselves. There were
reprints of aggressive and provocative cartoons from the
Israeli press. New material consisted of an editorial and
a column, From Our Middle-East Correspondents. This column
included two articles written by Arab journalists whom I
had met in London. One was by Khalid Kishtaini from Iraq,
and the other by Wagui Ghali from Egypt. The reason for me
publishing these two articles was to show Israeli readers
that it was not difficult to collaborate with Arabs if one
had peaceful intentions. The magazine got quite a positive
reception in London, because it had a different attitude
to the Israeli conquest than the one of the British
national press which was an uncritical jubilation of the
Israeli military victory. To let the public know about
Israel Imperial News we put a classified ad in The Times.
Our advertisment hit the target. Every
morning the postman brought us orders. A few readers sent
small donations. I took a bundle of 200 copies to Eli
Loebel in Paris. As it happened, this was the time of the
student rebellion of 1968. Israel Imperial News sold about
3,000 copies and I was able to pay the printer in full. In
contrast to the favourable reviews in the British press,
Israel Imperial News got a stormy reception in Israel. It
was attacked by almost everybody who could hold a pen and
had a foothold in the press, including Amos Keinan and Uri
Avnery, the editor of Haolam Haze. One weekly magazine
even nicknamed me the Israeli Lord Haw Haw. From being
just a simple traitor, I became Public Enemy Number One.
When I called my family on the phone, my wife told me that
she was getting threatening calls and people were throwing
stones at the windows. I told her to take our son and come
over to join me.
While I was preparing the second issue
of the magazine, I came to the printing press one morning
and found a note that someone had called. I called back
and a woman with an Arabic accent said she would like to
meet me. I told her to meet me at the printers. We went to
the nearby pub and over a glass of wine she told me that
she represented a women's group in Lebanon where my
political activities were much appreciated. She asked if I
had enough money to carry on. The organization that she
represented was willing to finance me. I asked her if she
was aware that if it became known that I had received
money from an Arab source, this could jeopardize whatever
I was trying to achieve.
Oh no, she said. We can do it through a secret account and
nobody would ever know.
Why do you have to offer me money? " I answered. I am
publishing a magazine, printed next door. You can buy as
many copies as you wish.
She thanked me for this good advice and left. I never saw
her again, and nobody ordered large quantities of copies
of Israeli Imperial News.
The commotion that the publication
caused had driven Israeli students in London to demand
that the Israeli Embassy call a meeting and invite me to
explain my activities. At first I was told that the
Embassy was reluctant, but pressure grew and finally the
meeting was arranged at the student club in Beit Hilel, in
Swiss Cottage. The house was packed. I talked about my
motives for launching the Israel Imperial News and also
about the letter I sent to The Times. My main argument was
that I did exactly what I was urged to do by my Zionist
upbringing. I was brought up to fight injustice and that
was what I did. I quoted a line from a poem by Bialik, the
Hebrew national poet which he wrote after the pogrom of
Jews in Kishinev, Russia in 1905. In a free translation
the line reads
The revenge for the blood of a young
child, the Devil has not envisaged yet.
I added:
What is true about the blood of a young Jewish boy, ought
to be true of the blood of all children and not only
Jewish. What I was doing ought to be done by everybody. If
anyone in this house can convince me that I was wrong and
that I should only fight for injustice committed against
Jews, I am ready to listen".
After I had finished, there were
questions from the floor. From these questions from
students and correspondents of the Israeli press stationed
in London, I gathered that few people had understood what
I said or if they had, they had chosen to block it out.
The questions were of the 'who paid you to do this filthy
work?' sort. Among the few who did understand the message
was a young Israeli graduate from a Swiss university who
had recently arrived in London, Rami Heilbronn, who got in
touch with me after the meeting and helped me from then on
with the next issue of Israel Imperial News and other
publications with which I became subsequently involved.
What I said in that meeting was true but
there was more to it. Apart from the revulsion I had
reading about the murderers of Unit 101 (an Israeli army
special operation unit) there was more which fed my
campaign against the occupation and the oppression of the
Palestinians At the time of the Eichman trial, Dan Ben
Amotz wrote an article in which there was the following
sentence, I know what the bad Germans did. What I would
like to know is what the good Germans did? I don't know
how many people, including Dan Ben Amotz himself, paid
attention to this sentence, but it had certainly impressed
me. There are other, even more important issues associated
with this subject. How is it, I often ask myself, that
people who have experienced the Holocaust can treat other
people, especially their neighbors, like that?
People may think that I do whatever I do
because I like Palestinians. I don’t think that I like
Palestinians in particular and there are even some
Palestinians I cannot stand. I cannot understand why the
issue of Human Rights should have anything to do with love
or hate. Humans ought to have their rights and their
dignity secured, irrespective of whether I or anybody
else) like them or not. However, this issue is a moral
minefield. One wrong step and I'll find myself buried next
to Mother Teresa.
At roughly the same time, there was a
world Zionist congress in Israel. My friend Dan Omer sent
me a map from Jerusalem that was handed out to the
delegates of this congress. This was a map of the planned
future settlements in Israel. Leaning over it I noticed
something peculiar. After being at war with Syria, Jordan
and Egypt, it would seem sensible, in order to enhance
security, to build new Jewish settlements along the border
with these countries. However, most of the planned new
settlements on this map were dotted along the border with
Lebanon - the only peaceful border. This surely hinted at
a certain strategy. It was no secret in Israel, even
before the Six Day War, that the Litani River that runs
through Lebanon along the Israeli border, contains a lot
of water. Water is the most important commodity in that
part of the world. Ownership of the Litani River would
boost agricultural production in Israel. I wondered if
this was not the direction of the next war. I handed over
the map to a contact I had in The Times. They published
the map but not my speculation about the new Israel
strategy.
A few years have passed. In 1982 the
Israeli army invaded Lebanon. When they eventually
withdrew from Lebanon, they continued to occupy the strip
of land that contained the Litani River and renamed it the
Security Zone. They recruited, armed and financed a
Christian militia to keep an eye on that Security Zone.
Since then there have been innumerable battles between the
Israeli army and its lackeys and the Lebanese Hezbolla
guerrillas. In 1996, Israel bombarded a refugee camp in
this region which resulted in nearly one hundred Lebanese
casualties. I sent a letter to the editors of The Guardian
and The Times in which I mentioned the map of the Zionist
Congress in Jerusalem in 1968 and added that in my view
the reason for this bombardment and the others before has
nothing to do with security or even with retaliation for
the katusha mortar attacks on Israeli border towns. From
the occupation of the West Bank in the Six Day's War, the
Israeli government had learned that it is not a good
policy to occupy land with their inhabitants. It is much
safer to occupy land without people. The constant sporadic
bombardments of the villages in, and close to the Security
Zone have a purpose. The purpose is to get rid of the
people living on this land. Each time Israel bombards a
village, a hundred people flee. When the bombardment
stops, only eighty return. If this were to continue, very
few people would be left and then it would be safe for the
annexation of the security zone to Israel. The letter was
acknowledged but not printed.
The second issue of Israel
Imperial News was published a few months later. The
success of its publication suggested to my Israeli
friends in London, who were members of the left wing
Matzpen group, that it would be better to join forces
and publish a joint magazine which they named Israca
(Israeli Revolutionary Action Committee Abroad). I
agreed, although I did not like the adjective
Revolutionary. In my view, people ought to be judged by
what they do and not by what they call themselves, but I
had to bow to my friends’ wishes. I was not surprised,
however, that the new publication became something
utterly different. It was doctrinal and appealed to a
different public. After a few issues the project
collapsed. It only collapsed in the sense that it did
not continue the line of the Imperial News. It went on
to produce some interesting analyses of Zionism and
became the foundation of another journal called Khamsin.
Learn more about Israel Imperial
News and Shimon Tzabar here: www.shimontzabar.com
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